By Owen Dhliwayo
On 28 December 2021, Zanu PF held its provincial elections, which were in most districts marred by clientelism, patronage politics and extra-legal means, thereby undermining the provision of internal democracy. The provincial elections gave the majority of political analysts an insight into the nature and form of election conduct in Zimbabwe.
The events following the provincial elections in Zanu PF is a clear testimony that the immediate successors of Robert Gabriel Mugabe never attempted to reform the internal administrative systems of the party.
The 1984 Zanu PF Congress instituted a template whereby grassroots structures were less powerful and could not independently determine party leadership. Prior to the 1984 Congress, many delegates were of the strong view that there was a need to rectify some of the anomalies exhibited in the party leadership. Even the media, especially the Sunday Mail then would report on the Congress with a view that it was hoped the event would weed out corrupt, lazy and inefficient party leaders. However, the outcome of Congress instituted an end to independent political activity within the party.
The 1984 consolidated Robert Gabriel Mugabe’s position in the party but his most favoured deputy Simon Vengai Muzenda lost to Maurice Nyagumbo. In response, Mugabe rejected the ouster of Muzenda and instead re-organized the party by balancing the factors of incumbency and entitlement. Muzenda was retained by Mugabe and Zvobgo whom Mugabe saw as a rival to his post was not appointed to the Politburo and instead, he was replaced by Nathan Shamuyarira as the head of Information and Publicity.
Again, the 1999 Zanu PF Congress was significant. The congress was organized on the agenda of Mugabe succession politics. The person to be elected National Chairperson would subsequently be the 2002 Presidential candidate. Two camps emerged with one supporting the current President, Emmerson Mnangagwa whilst the other one favoured Joice Mujuru. The scuttle for ascension to power was so fierce that a compromised candidate was eventually elected. John Landa Nkomo was subsequently elected National Chairman.
Again, in his old fashion, Mugabe sought to dilute the succession agenda that was put in motion by the 1999 Zanu PF Congress. In the political picture, Zimbabweans are served with a daily dose of propaganda by Jonathan Moyo. First as the spokesperson of the Constitutional Commission and later as a junior government official. Jonathan Moyo was to raise the profile of Robert Mugabe.
These two distinct congresses set the groundwork for what we are currently witnessing within Zanu PF internal election processes. In the party, it has become the norm that those who are close to the hierarchy enjoy freedom and protection. Through the 1984 and 1999 Congresses, Zanu PF lost its moral and political compass and became cynical and the hope of embodying ideals of internal democracy faded.
Since then, the party has indulged in appalling cruelties towards internal political aspirants and possible competitors for political positions. To some extent, the misconduct of the provincial elections is a creation of the 1984 and 1999 events that allowed the voice of the people to be silenced. In Manicaland, Madiro battled it out with Nyakuedzwa who some sources claimed to have triumphed over Madiro but official results indicate Madiro as the winner. This is ample proof that Zanu PF politics is a patronage pursuit. The majority in the party just like in the era of Robert Mugabe have lost the hopefulness connected with the opportunity for political activity but will remain in the party for access to meagre resources.
Unification of the party system and the national election management system.
The concept of election manipulation has haunted Zimbabwe for most of the elections. The current electoral process within Zanu PF is of immense importance to national politics. The internal diversion of the people’s will by the party has been transferred to the national election management body. The national election management body (ZEC) has continually produced disputed results due to the fact of it contracting the Zanu PF election DNA.
The conduct of its internal election process is of vital importance for the understanding of Zanu PF and its relation to the state. The party hierarchy achieved political power not so much by their own efforts but by the support of the structures to whom they feel no gratitude. The structures are subservient to the party hierarchy who consider themselves competent enough to decide on matters of leadership as to appoint and depose such.
During the long reign of Robert Mugabe, Zanu PF reached her highest point of the one centre of power concept.
These internal elections are a more characteristic reflection of the party’s attitude towards the national political scene. The internal election manipulation tendencies normally creep into our national election management institution – ZEC and have had disruptive effects. The foundation of the Zimbabwe Election Commission (ZEC) tends to be anchored on the practice and characteristics of the Zanu PF internal election systems.
Zanu PF derives its legitimacy from an election management body that shares with it the same electoral DNA. There is some curious semblance of interdependence between Zanu PF and ZEC. The legitimacy card is dependent upon ZEC and their mutual dependence is inescapable. The manner in which Zanu PF handles its internal election processes is similar to the way ZEC handles national elections.
People are allowed to queue and cast their votes but the winner is not determined by the number of votes cast only for the establishment to do so. The independence of ZEC is compromised by the manner in which commissioners and staff are appointed, and also the mechanism of reporting. ZEC reports to parliament through the Minister of Justice, a political appointee and a partisan individual. Thus, it becomes a legal fiction but a political necessity as the gains of Zanu PF are more solid than those of opposing political parties.
After the November 2017 coup, it appeared as if new dawn in election management both in the party and at the national level would be instituted but four years down the line little has been done except rhetoric. The decay of opposition politics after the death of Morgan Tsvangirai and the emergence of factional fights worked to the advantage of Zanu PF.
The manipulation of internal election process in Zanu PF is a forerunner of what to expect in 2023 harmonized elections.
